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| Boris Johnson drops hard line in last-ditch Brexit ploy Posted: 09 Sep 2019 10:34 PM PDT
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| Al Carpone - pribor za pecanje Posted: 09 Sep 2019 10:31 PM PDT
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| Buy or Sell Teacher Resources - Madebyteachers Posted: 09 Sep 2019 07:21 PM PDT
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| Posted: 09 Sep 2019 04:53 PM PDT
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| Posted: 09 Sep 2019 04:46 PM PDT The three-judge panel of the 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals said it found "no compelling justification" for Rene Boucher's 30-day sentence.
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| Posted: 09 Sep 2019 04:34 PM PDT
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| Illegal Deported After Raping 12-Year-Old Rediscovered at Same Home Years Later Posted: 09 Sep 2019 04:12 PM PDT  | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Codeforest - web development blog and resources Posted: 09 Sep 2019 03:40 PM PDT
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| NEWS ALERT: One America News Network sues Rachel Maddow, MSNBC for $10 million Posted: 09 Sep 2019 03:34 PM PDT Conservative news outlet One America News Network is suing MSNBC host Rachel Maddow, her network and its parent corporations for defamation for calling the network ...
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| Religious Parties in Israel’s Election (Pollock, Hermann | Fikra Forum) Posted: 09 Sep 2019 02:43 PM PDT THE INCREASINGLY RIGHT STUFF: RELIGIOUS PARTIES IN ISRAEL'S UPCOMING ELECTION by David Pollock and Tamar Hermann Fikra Forum If the past is prologue and the poll numbers prove prescient, Jewish religious parties may once again give the right a decisive advantage in coalition formation. READ THIS ARTICLE ON OUR WEBSITE Amidst all the turmoil of Israel’s unprecedented second national election within six months, due on September 17, one key yet often overlooked factor stands out: the decisively right-wing role of the small religious parties. Despite the high birth rate of the Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox groups, they still get only about one-fifth of the vote, and thus of the seats in the Knesset. But that will probably be enough to prevent the formation of a narrow centrist government under the Kahol Lavan (Blue and White, Israel’s national colors) coalition. As a result, the most likely outcomes are either another narrow right-wing government led by the Likud Party, or a broader center-right one with both Likud and Kahol Lavan. The reason is that the religious parties’ mandates are almost always crucial to make up the necessary majority in parliament. The last time Israel had a center-left government—precisely because these Jewish religious parties were willing to join it—was two decades ago, during Ehud Barak’s short-lived tenure as prime minister in 1999-2000. After that, the religious parties agreed to join only right-wing governing coalitions. So those are the only kind of governments Israel has had ever since, even when center-left and right were almost tied. Moreover, this remarkably disproportionate right-wing religious tilt seems well on track to repeat itself in the current election. Depending upon the precise results, Israel’s religious parties could conceivably be enticed to join some kind of center-right “national unity” government, or they might even be left out of such an oxymoronic coalition entirely. But their rightward ideological turn will make them loath to join a purely centrist government, even if the right gains no clear path to the required 61-seat Knesset majority. Moreover, the leading centrist party, as the latest statements by its leaders Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid reiterate, reciprocates in kind, with public disdain for these “sectoral” religious parties. So the one big thing that appears almost certain is this: opposition from these religious parties will continue to prevent the formation of any purely centrist Israeli government. That is why, when asked in an August poll what kind of coalition they expected, a mere 5 percent of the Israeli Jewish public predicted a centrist one, headed by Kahol Lavan. Jewish religious political parties have always been part of the Israeli political scene. In fact, their roots go back to the pre-state Zionist movement’s institutions. Over the years these parties represented two different religious sectors: the ultra-Orthodox (e.g., Agudat Israel Party) and the Orthodox or National Religious (e.g., Ha’Mizrahi, later known by the Hebrew acronym Mafdal, or National Religious Party). Neither of these parties represented or could have represented both sectors at the same time, as the two were deeply divided over the Zionist creed and the question of Israel as a Jewish entity. The ultra-Orthodox sector was anti- or at least non-Zionist and hence saw the state of Israel as a political entity with no Jewish religious value. The national Orthodox sector, however, is deeply committed to the Zionist idea and sees Israel as an entity invested with religious significance. Furthermore, the ultra-Orthodox saw the establishment of Israel as a negative development in Jewish history. In their belief system, in order to be redeemed, the Jewish people should wait until the Messiah comes and not take active steps to change their existential situation. The National Religious sector on the other hand considers the state of Israel as the beginning of Jewish national and religious redemption and hence as sacred. Both kinds of parties, ultra-Orthodox and National Religious, acknowledge the authority of the religious leadership—their respective rabbis. However, while the ultra-Orthodox parties see their authority as standing far above that of the state and its institutions in all walks of life, the National Religious parties see the state institutions as the relevant authority in political matters, and the rabbis as the supreme authority on religious matters. The latter duality is quite problematic when a situation has political and religious aspects at the same time. For example, who is the relevant authority—the political or the religious leader—when a withdrawal from parts of the Greater Land of Israel is discussed, as such a move goes against the promise of God to give the land in its entirety of the Children of Israel (i.e., the Jews). Zionist or non-Zionist, the Jewish Israeli religious parties have always been small in terms of their electoral appeal. They get their disproportionally strong political influence first and foremost from the need embedded in the structure of the Israeli parliamentary system to build multi-partner coalitions in order to get a large enough majority in the Knesset. One should add to that the drive of almost all Israeli prime ministers, regardless of their party affiliation, to emphasize their commitment to Jewish history and values by having religious parties as part of their coalition-based governments. In the past, the ultra-Orthodox and the National Religious parties could easily join every coalition, be it led by Labor or Likud (the formerly two dominant parties in Israel). The ultra-Orthodox parties were mainly interested in securing large budgets for their communities, which did not see themselves as participants in Israeli public political discourse. In particular, the ultra-Orthodox communities and leaders had no interest in security and foreign relations, the focal points of Israeli politics. The National Religious parties for their part were much more involved in this discourse, but their rather moderate views on security, the economy, and other issues enabled them in the past to join forces with non-religious political actors of both the left and the right. However, in recent years things have dramatically changed. Both population sectors and the parties representing them—the ultra-Orthodox parties United Torah Judaism and Shas, and the National Religious parties Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home)—have turned politically to the right. The ultra-Orthodox sector has been deeply politicized, some would even say “Zionified.” As shown below, since the mid-1990s and even more so today, on the grassroots level the members of this sector define themselves in huge numbers as right-wingers. (To view charts illustrating these trends, go to the web version of this article.) To an even greater extent, the National Religious sector also massively affiliates itself with the political right. With few exceptions, the latter strongly identifies with the Judea and Samaria (West Bank) settlement project as well as with the settler community. Last but not least, the National Religious sector has undergone a cognitive transition: they no longer see themselves as a parochial political player, but rather as the ideological spearhead of Israeli Jewish society. A common metaphor used by the leaders of this sector is, “We are no longer just riders of the nation’s train, but already occupy the locomotive driver’s seat.” This unequivocal political identity makes the religious political parties critical participants in all right-wing coalitions and increases their bargaining position vis-a-vis Likud leaders. On the other hand, unlike in the past, this identity reduces the political field of maneuvering of their own leaders, as they can hardly act in the opposite direction to their voters’ political will and hence be considered as realistic participants in a center or center-left coalition. Furthermore, it works both ways. Binyamin Netanyahu and his right-wing Likud have generally preferred a narrower coalition with the religious parties over a broader one without them. Rather than question the clout of the religious parties, as many on the left and center do, the Likud and the splinter right-wing parties tend to celebrate and accommodate their desires. And on the other side of the political spectrum, Israel’s centrist and left-wing parties have grown increasingly anti-religious. In the current electoral context, Avigdor Liberman’s small center-right faction—the hawkish, Jewish-nationalist, but secular party Yisrael Beitenu (Israel Is Our Home), which polls project may double its seats to 10 and play a key swing role in coalition formation—has explicitly called for an end to Jewish religious exemptions from the military draft. This all but rules out a coalition with the ultra-Orthodox. And Yair Lapid, head of the large Yesh Atid (There Is a Future) faction in the main Kahol Lavan centrist coalition, has long been identified with secularist tendencies in Israeli public life. If these contenders were willing to consider a coalition with Israel’s Arab political parties, projected to earn 10-13 seats in the upcoming vote, they might come closer to a majority even without any Jewish religious parties behind them. But these centrist opposition parties remain unwilling to consider that option. The Arab parties have for the most part returned the disfavor, unwilling to join any Israeli government in the past. They did, however, form a crucial part of the “blocking majority” against Likud that enabled Yitzhak Rabin to assume the prime ministry in 1992. And one of their top leaders today, Ayman Odeh, has just offered to help give the center a new majority after the upcoming election, even from outside a formal governing coalition. The latest straw polls predict that the religious parties will maintain or even increase their strength. They project around eight seats for the Ashkenazi ultra-Orthodox party United Torah Judaism; another eight for the Sephardi Orthodox party Shas; and even more seats, perhaps eleven, for the new party aptly named Yamina (Rightward), which inherits many of the hawkish National Religious voters of the former Jewish Home Party, and some others besides. If anything, these polls may underestimate the religious voters, who may be more motivated to vote twice in six months, and who have also been known to shy away from or even deliberately mislead pollsters. So, if the past is prologue, we may well see Israel’s Jewish religious parties once again give the right a decisive advantage in coalition formation. To be sure, Israeli politics has had its share of surprises lately, and Netanyahu’s legal troubles add a new layer of uncertainty to this prognosis. A wider coalition of strange bedfellows, possibly without some of the religious parties, cannot be totally ruled out. Nevertheless, a narrow center-left coalition seems almost impossible—if only because of the special role these small religious parties play in the self-proclaimed Jewish state. David Pollock is the Bernstein Fellow at The Washington Institute and director of Project Fikra. Tamar Hermann is a political science professor at the Open University of Israel and academic director of the Guttman Center for Public Opinion and Policy Research at the Israel Democracy Institute. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY 1111 19TH STREET NW, SUITE 500 WASHINGTON, DC 20036 202-452-0650 202-223-5364 (fax) www.washingtoninstitute.org Copyright 2019. All rights reserved. Tweet this item. Follow us on Twitter. 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| Posted: 09 Sep 2019 02:28 PM PDT
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| Big central bankers have big problems Posted: 09 Sep 2019 02:16 PM PDT
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| What's your question for the federal leaders debate? Posted: 09 Sep 2019 02:08 PM PDT
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| Sarah Palin's husband Todd files for divorce after 31 years of marriage: report Posted: 09 Sep 2019 01:34 PM PDT
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| Remains of missing Calif. mom of 3 found after almost 2 months — and husband is charged Posted: 09 Sep 2019 01:17 PM PDT
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| Posted: 09 Sep 2019 01:11 PM PDT Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot has taken to the op-ed pages of The Washington Post to fuel a feud with Sen. Ted Cruz over gun control ...
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| How Israel's Historic Leaders Can Still Shape Its Destiny (PolicyWatch 3176) Posted: 09 Sep 2019 11:22 AM PDT HOW ISRAEL'S MOST IMPORTANT LEADERS SHAPED ITS DESTINY Featuring David Makovsky, Dalia Rabin, Gilad Sharon, and Dennis Ross Policy Forum Report Two Washington Institute fellows join the children of former Israeli prime ministers to discuss how their legacy of leadership informs the country's biggest looming challenge: maintaining the possibility of separation from the Palestinians. READ THIS ITEM OR WATCH EVENT VIDEO ON OUR WEBSITE On September 5, Washington Institute senior fellows Dennis Ross and David Makovsky addressed a Policy Forum to mark the release of their new book Be Strong and of Good Courage: How Israel’s Most Important Leaders Shaped Its Destiny. They were joined by the children of two of the leaders featured in the book: Dalia Rabin, the chair of the Yitzhak Rabin Center, and Gilad Sharon, a columnist for Yediot Aharonot. The following is a rapporteur’s summary of their remarks. DAVID MAKOVSKY The impetus behind this book was the fateful choice Israel will soon need to make—a choice that should be informed by the journey of past Israeli leaders who met the bar of history. How did they make these historic decisions, and what made these leaders great? For David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, the central mission was to end Jewish homelessness after 2,000 years. He never deviated from that objective. He believed immigration was the oxygen of Zionism because Jews were a minority in Palestine at the time. In order to create a democratic Jewish homeland, more immigration was needed. Another characteristic of Ben-Gurion’s leadership was his sense of how world events would affect Zionism. He was often prescient about such matters; in 1945, he was convinced that war was coming with the Arab states even though few others agreed. Interestingly, he also feared that the United States would attack Israel, an indication of how far the relationship has come today. Ben-Gurion was not afraid of making momentous choices for the good of the country, even when they incurred risks. He made the controversial decision to accept German reparations when the fledging country was in bad shape economically. Most important, he declared statehood in 1948 against all odds, using his analytical framework to determine that the decision had to be made right then. For Prime Minister Menachem Begin, the driving imperative was to end Jewish victimhood. He also believed strongly in the need for equilibrium between values and interests. For instance, he thought it was wrong to impose martial law in Arab communities since their residents were Israeli citizens. At Camp David, he set the template for future leaders who would accept the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Begin believed that national unity was all-important and should not overwhelm the justice of the cause. For these reasons—and the fact that the peace treaty he reached with Egypt has endured numerous challenges—his legacy remains vital today. DALIA RABIN Yitzhak Rabin had a unique brand of leadership. He spent most of his adult life in the army and was affected by the 1948 war, which convinced him of the need to form a strong Israel Defense Forces. He was also a deeply modest leader, never taking credit but always taking responsibility. As IDF chief of staff after the 1967 war, he wrote that Israel needed to transform the fruits of that victory into peace, knowing territorial concessions would be involved. He was not a hawk that turned into a dove overnight; he had been seeking peace ever since he witnessed the terrible price of war and left the army. In addition to building infrastructure for peace in the region, he was also the architect of the U.S.-Israel relationship. GILAD SHARON From a young age, Ariel Sharon made it his mission to guard the lives of Jews by making Israel strong. During his long military career, he set the standard of not returning home until the mission was executed, never leaving men behind, and performing at the highest level. In particular, he played a key role in attacking the Egyptian stronghold in the Sinai Peninsula during the 1967 war. His strategic thinking was again at play when he was elected prime minister and faced high levels of Palestinian terrorism. To counter the second intifada, he led Operation Defensive Shield, which completely changed the situation on the ground by reflecting his belief in achieving decisive knockouts. Elsewhere, he saw the relationship with the United States as Israel’s most important asset in the international community, and one based on shared values. He also emphasized the importance of bringing Jews to Israel and creating a strong connection with the diaspora. Moreover, he knew Israel’s neighbors very well and prioritized the country’s right to defend itself. In short, whenever he saw a problematic reality, he set a goal and changed that reality. DENNIS ROSS The four leaders profiled in Be Strong and of Good Courage disagreed ideologically, but the way they defined the role of leader was very similar. In their view, making tough decisions was their responsibility even if these choices were politically costly. They understood the cost of action, but also the cost of inaction. Sharon spoke about the solitude of the leader, referring to the way in which this intense burden of decisionmaking fell solely on the leader’s shoulders. Rabin likewise took responsibility for his decisions, no matter the outcome. Both men were also superbly analytical, honest with themselves, and willing to hear bad news. Perhaps most important, these leaders knew the importance of maintaining Israel’s identity as a democratic Jewish state. If the country stays on its current path, it will become “one state for two peoples” by default. Yet this looming reality is not at the forefront of Israel’s national debate because it is not an immediate threat in the same way as Hezbollah rockets or Iranian entrenchment in Syria. The new book is largely aimed at those who deny or ignore this demographic situation. One statistic makes clear the extent of the problem. In 1986, the ratio of Jews to Arabs in Israel and the occupied territories was 63 percent to 37 percent. Today, even after the arrival of hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews and Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza, the ratio is 61 percent to 39 percent. These numbers indicate that Israel is fast becoming one state for two peoples—a situation that could make the international “Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions” challenge seem like child’s play if the Palestinians seize on the full electoral implications of this demographic trend. To be sure, no two-state solution will be available anytime soon. Palestinians are totally divided, and succession is looming in the West Bank. Even so, it is important to preserve the option of separation in the future. Among other things, this means Israel must stop settlement construction outside the West Bank security barrier. Around 85 percent of Israeli settlers live in large blocs located within or near the barrier—areas that constitute around 8 percent of the West Bank. Yet the number of Israelis living in disparate settlements spread throughout other parts of the West Bank has swelled to 104,000. If that figure continues to grow, it will inevitably reach a tipping point at which Israel loses the political option to separate from the West Bank. Obviously, the power of the settler movement will make any near-term move toward separation difficult, but that decision must nevertheless be taken. Sharon once said that “all my successors are politicians,” meaning they were only willing to make political decisions. His concern was valid; to address it, the book outlines what the United States can do to make it politically easier for Israeli leaders to start heading down the tough road of separation. This summary was prepared by Basia Rosenbaum. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY 1111 19TH STREET NW, SUITE 500 WASHINGTON, DC 20036 202-452-0650 202-223-5364 (fax) www.washingtoninstitute.org Copyright 2019. All rights reserved. Tweet this item. Follow us on Twitter. Follow us on Facebook.   | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| NEWS ALERT: Illegal immigration across southern border plummets 20 percent: Border chief Posted: 09 Sep 2019 11:04 AM PDT Illegal immigration at the southern U.S. border dropped by roughly 20 percent from July to August, the U.S. border chief said Monday, attributing the decrease ...
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| Most Social: Here's the biggest news you missed this weekend Posted: 09 Sep 2019 10:01 AM PDT
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| Biggest Bhajan | Hindu God | Mantra | Amritwani | Bhakti Songs Collection Posted: 09 Sep 2019 09:29 AM PDT
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| Google Now Admits It’s Always Listening, Watching Posted: 09 Sep 2019 09:23 AM PDT Tune into the Live Show
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| Order Birthday Cake Online | Send Cake Online To India Posted: 09 Sep 2019 08:15 AM PDT | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| World Alert: Speaker of the British House of Commons, John Bercow, says he will step down Posted: 09 Sep 2019 08:00 AM PDT
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| "بريتش إيرويز" تلغي كل رحلاتها تقريبا في بريطانيا بسبب إضراب لطياريها Posted: 09 Sep 2019 07:59 AM PDT
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| Enforce the Libya Arms Embargo (Fishman | The Hill) Posted: 09 Sep 2019 07:57 AM PDT ANOTHER CONFERENCE ON LIBYA? ENFORCE THE ARMS EMBARGO INSTEAD by Ben Fishman The Hill Without a concerted international effort to ground UAVs and halt the flow of weapons, the UN will have minimal leverage to restart the country's long-stalled political transition. Five months into Libya’s latest civil war, the violence continues unabated. Since Khalifa Haftar launched his attack on Tripoli in April, the war has left more than 1,100 dead and over 100,000 displaced. Meanwhile, the G-7 is calling for a “well-prepared international conference to bring together all the stakeholders and regional actors relevant to this conflict.” If the next conference employs the same strategy as previous ones, however, it will only repeat the same empty promises. For a conference to achieve a concrete result, it should focus on addressing one of the primary causes of the latest civil war: the blatant arming of both sides by outside actors in violation of a long-dormant UN Security Council arms embargo... Ben Fishman is a senior fellow at The Washington Institute and former director for North Africa at the National Security Council. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY 1111 19TH STREET NW, SUITE 500 WASHINGTON, DC 20036 202-452-0650 202-223-5364 (fax) www.washingtoninstitute.org Copyright 2019. All rights reserved. Tweet this item. Follow us on Twitter. Follow us on Facebook.   | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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